长沙翻译公司，经济翻译具有自身特定的、专业的术语体系和表达方式，宏观经济涉及行业领域非常多，运用较多的政经术语，而微观经济涉及较多的数理经济术语。

 

长沙翻译公司，国民经济是指一个现代国家范围内各社会生产部门和其他经济部门所构成的互相联系的总体。工业、农业、建筑业、运输业、邮电业、商业、服务业等，都是国民经济的组成部分。随着生产社会化的发展，国民经济各部分之间的联系越来越密切。

 

长沙翻译成功完成某信息中心几万词的有关经济方面的翻译，城市化、增长与社会融合等建筑接合，土地的改革等等，专业的翻译，使文章的翻译更加清晰，得到客户的好评！

 

 

 

Urbanisation in China has long been held back by various restrictions on land and internal migration but has taken off since the 1990s, as these impediments started to be gradually relaxed. People have moved in large numbers to richer cities, where productivity is higher and has increased further thanks to agglomeration effects. In the process, the rural-urban income differential has narrowed. Urbanisation also entails costs, however, notably in the form of congestion, all the more so as public transport provision has not kept up. Demand for living space is set to continue to increase as living standards improve, putting pressure on land prices. This can be offset by relaxing the very stringent restrictions on the use of agricultural land for building. For migrants to better integrate in the cities where they work, their access and that of their families to education, health and other social services must continue to improve, in particular via further changes to the registration system, coupled with more market-based rules on land ownership and use.

 

长期以来，中国的城市化进程受到土地与人口迁移等等因素的制约，随着各种限制条件的逐渐放宽，直至上个世纪九十年代中国的城市化进程才开始大规模发展。人们开始大批进入较为富裕而且生产率较高的城市，而在聚集效应的助推之下，这些城市的生产率也得到了进一步提高。在这一进程中，城乡收入差别不断缩小。但是，城市化也会带来高成本，例如在不配套公共交通设施情况下导致的拥堵。随着生活水平的提高，人们对居住空间的需求也必定持续增加，从而使土地价格上涨。只有放宽农用地变更为建设用地的限制条件，才能缓解土地价格压力。为使城市外来人员更好地融入城市生活之中，需要采取一系列措施，尤其是结合更加市场化的土地所有权与使用权制度改革，放宽户籍限制，不断改善城市外来人员及其家庭成员在教育、医疗，以及其它社会福利方面的条件。

 

Rural migrants are increasingly likely to want to remain in cities but few appear concerned about converting their rural hukou to an urban hukou. An official survey found that almost three quarters of younger migrants had no desire to do so, though this proportion was lower in bigger cities (National Bureau of Statistics, 2011). Most migrants wanted to settle in big cities. The number of migrants wishing to settle in cities has grown but that is still coupled with reluctance to give up a rural hukou, especially if it involves losing a land right. Migration was still seen as a circular process in which people stay in the city for a period and then return nearer to their home. However, very few migrants wish to return to be farmers; most want to move to move to a county seat or a town near to their village (Zhu and Chen, 2010). Migration was seen more as way to maximise household income and lower risk than as a permanent decision. Moreover, settling in a city seems to be driven more by identity than by legal status (Zheng et al., 2009). Changing hukou status is not the key as to whether a person stays in a city or not. Rather the attributes of the person (education and willingness to invest in training) determine the length of time a person stays in a city. The attitude of the new generation of migrants, born between 1980 and 1990, is changing. They have a much weaker attachment to the land. Their physiology, lifestyle and behaviour have become urbanised, and their employment is no longer an additional income for the families but their lifetime career. They do not know how to farm nor do they want to (China Development and Reform Foundation, 2013). 

 

来自农村的外来人员越来越希望留在大城市，但只有少数人考虑将他们的农村户口改为城市户口。一项官方调查表明，接近四分之三的年轻外来人员并不愿意将农村户口改为城市户口，尽管生活在大城市的外来人员这一比例较低（国家统计局，2011年）。尽管越来越多的外来人员希望在城市中定居，但他们却又不愿意放弃农村户口，尤其考虑到会丧失所享有的土地权利时，更是如此。人口流动仍旧呈现出一定的周期性，流动人口在城市工作一定时间之后，则会返回离家较近的地区。但是，对于外来人员而言，他们几乎都不希望返乡再作农民，而是希望搬至县城或离他们所在村庄较近的镇上(Zhu 与 Chen, 2010)。外出务工更多地是被当作增加家庭收入的一种方式，而并不是一项长期性的决定。甚至居住在城市可能更多地是出于身份考虑，而并不是为了改变法律性户籍(Zheng等, 2009)。人们是否选择在城市生活，关键因素并不是户籍的改变，一个人的具体特征（包括教育背景，以及是否愿意进行培训投资等）决定其在城市工作生活时间的长短。在1980至1990年期间出生的新一代外来人员的思想正在不断地发生变化。他们对土地的情感越来越淡，无论从外形、生活方式以及行为上，都已被城市化，而且他们外出务工不再仅仅是为了增加家庭收入，而是出于个人事业考虑。新一代城市外来人员不懂得如何种田，也不愿意回乡种田（中国发展与改革基金会，2013年）。

 

While the housing market has become almost completely market-oriented, local government still plays a key role in urban development. Land in urban areas in owned by the state, which can either sell land-use rights or allocate them to third parties, or transfer them to companies wholly owned by the local government in exchange for equity in these companies. Once the market in land use-rights was established, local governments quickly realised that the powers given to them under the Land Management Act meant that they could control the supply of development land in their administrative area. This markedly changed the institutional structure from that which prevailed in the first decade of urbanisation in the 1990s, when there was a significant black market in the land occupied by SOEs which sold their use rights even though there was no legal basis for the transaction.

 

尽管住房市场已经几乎完全市场化，但地方政府仍在城市发展过程中起着关键作用。城市土地归国家所有，政府即可以出售土地的使用权，或将土地划拨给第三方，也可以将土地转让给完全归地方政府所有的公司，以换取这些公司的股权。土地使用权市场形成之后，地方政府立刻认识到，土地管理法赋予他们的权力意味着，他们可以控制所在行政辖区内开发土地的供应。于是，地方政府对上世纪九十年代、即城市化首个十年期内采用的机构体系进行了明显调整。而在上世纪九十年代，关于国企占有的土地，存在着一个较大的黑市，即使在没有进行交易所需的法律依据情况下，国企就出售了这些土地的使用权。

 

 

 

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